Revisionist historians deflect from their own record

revisionist

In what is poised to become an ongoing series here on CivicScene, I am going to correct the record with regards to – surprise, surprise – an assertion found on City Caucus.

As part of a post on Vancouver Councillor Geoff Meggs’s motion to pull Vancouver out of the Greater Vancouer Labour Relations Bureau (an issue that I will delve into later in the morning in an interview with the Councillor), Messrs. Fontaine and Klassen state the following:

“In the midst of the regional collective agreement discussions, Richmond Mayor Malcolm Brodie decided to sell out his Metro Vancouver colleagues by offering CUPE a generous 17.5% pay package. Richmond was not a member of the Bureau at the time. Suddenly Brodie’s offer became the “base” that all other…municipalities had to negotiate from.”

The implication of such an assertion is that Vancouver was forced to look at such an amount ONLY AS A RESULT of Richmond’s deal.

That isn’t what Fontaine’s former boss Sam Sullivan recollects about the strike of 2007, however.

Let’s look at the timelines.

A tentative agreement with the City of Richmond was reached on July 25, 2007.

In an interview published on November 11, 2008, just days before his party was wiped out at the polls, Sullivan told the Vancouver Sun the following:

“The strike. The strike is a considerable regret. I don’t like to implicate anybody. These are all my own weaknesses, my own shortcomings. But I chose to not have any role in it – to leave a lot of room for our staff….

Everybody knew what the deal was – 17.5 per cent. We knew it the weekend the strike started. Everybody knew it.

So I suggested, “Why don’t we just offer that?”

There was a strike vote for the City’s inside workers held on April 26, 2007 which received 93.5 per cent support from the membership.

The outside workers began their job action on July 20.  The inside workers eventually followed suit and began a formal strike on July 23.

So if Sam Sullivan “knew…the weekend the strike started” (July 20-22) that 17.5 per cent was the figure that needed to be put on the table to achieve a quick and painless settlement, how can Richmond’s settlement from July 25  be considered  “the “base” that all other poorer…municipalities had to negotiate from”?

In fact, Sullivan further destroys Fontaine and Klassen’s claims by stating that his figure of 17.5 per cent was something he wanted for all of Metro Vancouver:

“It was, “Mayor, you don’t understand negotiations. You have to offer less. Then they ask for more. Then you offer more. And eventually you get to the right number.”

This idea that it was “Sam’s strike,” and Sam was the one standing in the way? I was the one who got it and wanted to have that as a regional deal.”

So, if Sam was inclined towards that figure from the beginning, then his contrary actions (or more accurately, lack thereof) seem to have come as a result of advice that he got from his officials – advice that extended the strike for an unnecessary three months.  I don’t think I have to mention who was Sullivan’s Chief of Staff at the time.

As a side note, unlike CityCaucus’ claims that:

“[f]or years CUPE has wanted to break apart the municipal “union” in Metro Vancouver,”

this release clearly shows that CUPE filed a formal submission at the LRB arguing that the City of Vancouver has breached the Labour Code.

This confirms that rather than CUPE influencing Meggs’ motion, it has been introduced because the entity is not favourable to the City of Vancouver.

Check back later in the morning for an interview with Geoff Meggs on his motion and his rationale behind it.

One Response to “Revisionist historians deflect from their own record”

  1. Michael Phillips says:

    On this one, CityCaucus was right in saying “[f]or years CUPE has wanted to break apart the municipal “union” in Metro Vancouver,”. CUPE will like Meggs’ motion and has itself wanted to get rid of the Greater Vancouver Labour Relations Bureau for years, although my impression is also that we should opt out. People should remember that not everything a civic union wants costs money, they also want to avoid a lengthy strike during which they lose millions of dollars in strike pay. They are naturally more in favour of eliminating obstacles and bottlenecks to negotiations than city management (who are less personally vulnerable toward a loss of funds than union management), which is entirely in the public interest as well.

    —-

    “The bureau is a bottleneck,” said Paul Faoro, president of CUPE Local 15, which represents inside workers in Vancouver. Speaking to The Tyee on Wednesday at a rally outside city hall, Faoro said the GVRD body was drastically understaffed, with only two staff members available to attend local bargaining sessions across the region’s 21 member municipalities.

    “The bargaining can only happen, given the bureau’s mandate, with one of them present, so everything has to wait for their availability. Then, even if an agreement is reached at the table, a two-tier ratification process can slow things down even more. The city ought to re-think its membership. Vancouver puts nearly a million dollars a year into funding the bureau, and it isn’t clear that it’s getting value for money,” Faoro said.

    http://thetyee.ca/News/2007/07/27/Bottleneck/

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FACT OF THE DAY

An article titled Vancouver Politics by Paul Tennant in The Vancouver Book (1976), describes the entry of TEAM onto the civic political scene in 1968. TEAM, wrote Tennant, “sought to be a moderate reform group appealing to persons of all political ideologies.”

On their left was COPE (the Committee of Progressive Electors), also formed in 1968, and on their right was the NPA (the Non-Partisan Association), which had been a power in city politics for nearly four decades, and which “held that the affairs of the city should be run by those with the necessary knowledge and experience, i.e., those with a professional-managerial background, in order to run the city in a business-like way.”

The reformers, on the other hand, “felt that civic decision-making should be open to the public, with leadership coming from a cross-section of the population, and rule going to the working class majority. This group was concerned about land use, they advocated city control, and preferred to structure politics around the neighborhood concept.”

Quote OF THE DAY

“It was very diverse, and we got together by word of mouth. There were professors, business people, labor, lawyers and from all across the city. It was a coalescing of people around the idea we should do something.” – former City Councillor Setty Pendakur on the formation Vancouver’s reform movement and its political manifestation – TEAM – came into being in the late 1960’s and early 1970’s.

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